Income Inequality and Economic Growth - Free Essay Example

Sample details Pages: 29 Words: 8608 Downloads: 8 Date added: 2017/06/26 Category Statistics Essay Did you like this example? Chapter 1: Introduction Economic growth is the result of abstention from current consumption. An economy produces a variety of commodities, and then income is generated through sales of products. The very same income is used to buy other products which generate income for other producers. Don’t waste time! Our writers will create an original "Income Inequality and Economic Growth" essay for you Create order The very same income is used to buy a variety of commodities. The producers decide what to produce depending on their individual preferences and the distribution of income, initial endowments. In general, commodity production creates income, which creates the demand for those very same commodities. The cycle of production, consumption, saving, and investment that constantly regenerates itself is as old as human civilisation. In some cases, savers and investors are exactly the same individuals, using their own funds; in other cases, they are not. (51, Ray) The income inequality occurs because people in an economy differ from each other in many ways that are relevant to their incomes. These differences can be in forms of human capital (education and health), in where people live, in their ownership of physical capital, in the particular skills they have, and even in their luck. As explained above, economic growth and income inequality have a huge influence on each other. That is why th ere have been extensive studies in income distribution and its effect on other economic variables. Income distribution has always been considered to be an important topic because it tells us how incomes are distributed among the members of a population and allows the government to determine tax policies for redistribution to decrease inequality, or to implement social policies to reduce poverty. However, there are many debates about how reliable data is because they mainly are collected through surveys and the sources of errors are numerous. Furthermore, the income distribution measure, income gini-coefficient, does have its disadvantage because the best fit line method is used when representing the Lorenz curve which is used to calculate gini-coefficient. As outliers are ignored when a best-fit line is illustrated, the population in extreme poverty will not be accounted in income inequality measure. Thus, the measure of inequality may not be as accurate as it is believed to be. Bec ause of these data features, it is important to complement classical statistical procedures with robust ones. (Maria-pia, Victoria-Feser, 2000) No concrete theory yet exists to explain the relationship between income inequality and economic growth. Most empirical research on income inequality and economic growth tends to focus on imperfect market, the politics of redistribution, the size of the market. Benabou (1996) and others argued that imperfect capital markets can slow the economic growth by increasing the level of inequality. The main input of economic growth is investment generated by savings or borrowing credits. A result of imperfect capital markets is that the poor credit applicants with high expected rate of return projects have limited access to credit compared with rich applicants with the lower profitable projects. Therefore, the imperfect capital markets create a higher level of inequality and limit both quantity and quality of investments, thereby lowering economic growth. As capital markets are more likely to be imperfect in developing countries, this theory implies that developing countries economic growth is affected greater by income inequality than developed countries. Deininger and Squire find that land inequality reduces growth more in low income countries. However, the effects of income inequality on growth do not differ across high and low income countries. Moreover, contrary to the theory, Perotti (1996) finds that income inequality affects school enrolment more in rich countries than in poor countries. 143-144 I am particularly interested in how East Asian countries managed to develop so rapidly while maintaining low income inequality during late industrialisation. This is because compared with many orthodox economic theories and research based on many European and North American states during their industrialisation, what East Asian countries achieved is unprecedented. Furthermore, I believe that there are much more complicated reasons behind this unique achievement unlike the suggestions by 1993 World Bank Report, East Asian Miracle. In this report, the neoclassical economi sts in the World Bank gave much credit to the new developing theories and state-intervened economies on the surface, but they managed to transform and relate the state-intervention and policies in East Asia to the orthodox economic theory, and concluded that the rapid economic growth in East Asia is the result of market friendly economies and well-operated macroeconomic policies. They are not completely wrong but I have found that the explanations are very vague and inaccurate. There is no consistency in their arguments because they are trying to explain state-oriented capitalism in terms of market-led capitalism. In addition, there is an obvious cultural factor. Johnson and few other economists and historians argue that cultural difference between in the East and in the West might play a crucial role in explaining the East Asian Miracle. They argue that Confucianism confers certain advantages over other traditions in the quest for economic development. Because Confucian beliefs pla ce a high value on hard work, loyalty, respect for authority, and punctuality, these characteristics are thought to have facilitated the national consensus around high-speed economic growth in East Asian countries since the 1950s and 1960s. (Johnson, 1983:6-10; and the chapters by Lucien Pye, Gordon Redding, and Siu-lun Wong in Berger and Hsiao, 1988) I believe that an argument stated above can be a more influential factor of East Asian Miracle than arguments based on the orthodox economic theory. Thus, in this paper, I aim to investigate not only orthodox economic theories behind the East Asian development but also focus more on political economic perspective during the late industrialisation periods in East Asian countries, especially in Republic of Korea (Korea hereafter) and Singapore. The political economic view of East Asian countries were taken rather lightly compared with theoretical economic analysis because there have been only few social-politic studies in East Asia and t he presence of military regimes in many East Asian countries made it difficult for researchers to gather accurate information. The reason that I have chosen Korea and Singapore is that they both are in OECD countries, which makes it easier to collect more accurate and more quantity of data. Most of all, Korea and Singapore maintain the lowest income inequality level during the late industrialisation, but the income inequality level in two countries took a complete different direction after the Asian financial crisis in 1997/8. Singapores income inequality did get worsened but it still stayed at reasonably low level, whereas Koreas income inequality level shoot up and still remains quite high at this point. This paper will contain five sections. They are; introduction; orthodox economic theory behind income inequality and economic growth; political economic section which will illustrate the policies employed in Korea and Singapore to develop rapidly while maintaining the income inequ ality level low with empirical evidences; the effect that Asian financial crisis had on Korea and Singapore, especially on two countries income inequality level; conclusion. Chapter 2: Orthodox Economic theory In this section, I shall discuss the orthodox economic growth theories and whether or not South Korea and Singapore followed neo-classical theory guidelines. To begin with, I will explain what causes income inequality and the consequence of it. I will especially focus on the spill-over effects of income inequality on economic growth. The level of income inequality is one of the main economic concerns for economists as it is directly related to poverty and also has significant effect on economic growth: Assuming that the average level of income per capita maintains constant in a country, a higher degree of income inequality will mean that poor people are worse off. According to this observation with implication of Kuznets curve -the level of inequality rises until income per capita has surpassed a critical point- then in theory; economic growth can be bad for the population placed at the low end of income spectrum. Specifically, growths effect of raising the average level of income may be counteracted by a widening of inequality as the poorest people fall farther below the average. (Weil, Economic Growth) The empirical study carried out by David Dollar and Aart Kraay shows how average GDP and the degree of inequality work together to determine the income of the poor. Mexico in 1989 and South Korea in 1988 had almo st the same level of GDP per capita ($8,883 and $8,948) but because South Koreas income distribution is so much more equal than Mexicos, the average income of the poorest quintile in South Korea was twice as high as that in Mexico ($3,812 and $ 1,923). A similar effect is observed when comparing Taiwan and Mexico. This study illustrates that a countrys average level of GDP is the most influential factor of the incomes of the poor population. Thus, the empirical evidence suggests that poor people in a wealthy but unequal country are better off than poor people in a poor and egalitarian country. Dollar and Kraay assessed whether specific policies had different effects on the income of the poor versus overall income. Their key finding was that policies that affect growth for good or ill generally do not significantly affect the distribution of income. For example, rule of law and openness to trade raise overall income in a country and have positive but very minor effects on the share o f income going to the lowest quintile. Similarly, a high rate of inflation and a high level of government consumption are bad for overall income and reduce the share of income going to the poor.372 The orthodox economic theory on income inequality and economic growth is that highly unequal distributions are necessary condition for generating rapid growth. In fact, in the 1960s and then again to a more limited extent in the 1980s and early 1990s with the dominance of free-market economic theory and policy, the explicit and implicit acceptance of this proposition by economists from both developed and underdeveloped countries tended to turn their collective and individual attentions away from problems of poverty and income distribution. If wide inequalities are a necessary condition of maximum growth and if, in the long run, maximum growth is a necessary condition of rising standards of living for all, through the natural passed-down processes of competition and mixed economic systems, it follows that direct concern with the alleviation of poverty would be self-defeating. Needless to say, such a viewpoint, correct or not, provided a psychological, if not conscious, rationalisation for the accumulation of wealth by powerful elite groups. The basic economic argument to justify large income inequalities was that high personal and corporate incomes were necessary conditions of saving, which made possible investment and economic growth through mechanism such as the Harrod-Domar model. If the rich save and invest significant proportions of their incomes, while poor spend all their income on consumption goods, and if GNP growth rates are directly related to the proportion of national income saved, then apparently an economy characterised by highly unequal distributions of income would save more and grow faster than one with a more equitable distribution of income. 182 Simon Kuznets hypothesis also states that in the early phase of economic growth, especially that are growing at an abnormal rate, growth is generally associated with high levels of inequality. First, to generate the high savings rate that is a prerequisite of rapid growth, income, it is assumed, must be concentrated in the hands of relatively rich, whose marginal propensity to save is relatively high. Second, Simon Kuznets has suggested that as the labour force shifts from low-productivity sectors to high-productivity sectors, aggregate inequality initially increases substantially, decreasing only later. Contrary to this conventional wisdom, in East Asia rapid economic growth has been associated with relatively low and declining levels of income inequality. Improved equity is not unique to East Asia. What is unique is the combination of rapid growth with modest (and, in a few high performers, dramatic) improvements in equity and reduction in absolute poverty. Analysis of the high performing Asian economies has focused on their rapid growth over the past decades. Isolated studies on the distributive qualities of growth in a few of these countries exist, but not of the growth-equity nexus for the group as a whole. (Adelman and Robinson, 1978) The indicators show that the Asian hig h performers have been unusually successful in distributing the benefits of growth widely. (The key to the Asian Miracle, Making Shared Growth Credible, Jose Edgardo Capos, Hilton L. Root, 1996) The orthodox economic theory suggests that tax policies which directly affect saving rates will determine the economic growth rate depending on changes in the ratio of capital to labour. According to this theory, peoples incentives to save their income or wealth are influenced by the rate of returns to savings which effectively determines the income distribution. This theory would also imply that richer people are more encouraged to save their income or wealth in an economy with a regressive income tax. As a result of this, faster economic growth is achieved due to higher saving rates and thus higher level of investment driven by richer people. The rate of savings affects the long-run level of per capita income and, in many cases, the rate of growth of the economy. Thus the relationship between inequality and savings creates an additional channel through which inequality interacts with income and growth in income. The political force of the arguments presented here are also not to be taken lightly. The view that moderate or high inequalities in income distribution concentrate money in hands of those who are willing to save, accumulate, and invest, thereby boosting growth rate, has been used more than once to justify a hands-off approach by government in matters pertaining to redistributive taxation. However, there are opposing views as well, arguing that a certain degree of redistribution can actually enhance savings and push up growth rates. The effect of a reduction in income inequality on the rate of savings, and therefore in the rate of growth, is likely to be complex. High economic inequality might retard economic growth by setting up political demands for redistribution. Now redistributing might take one of two broad forms. First, a policy might aim to redistribute existing wealth among the broader population. A good example of this is land reform. If land is held very unequally, the government may have the option to simply confiscate land from large landowners and redistribute the confiscated land among smaller peasants or landless labourers. Likewise, it is possible to have confiscatory taxes that transfer large quantities of nonland wealth to the government, which are then redistributed to the poor. It goes without saying that the creation and implementation of such policies require extraordinary political will, as well as the availability of data on which to base such policies. Elected government officials with large land holdings are not uncommon, and even if they were uncommon, large landowners often act as vote banks, which swing the votes of an entire village or even a group of villages. In such situations, the enactment of a comprehensive land reform that would alleviate inequality becomes a very difficult proposition indeed. Even if the political will did exist, there are the almost insuperable difficulties of implementation. To redistribute large quantities of wealth, for instance, it is necessary to know who has the wealth. There exist enormous quantities of wealth that are not even subject to taxes, simply because the information base required to implement such taxes is nonexistent. Even when wealth takes the form of land, which is arguably highly observable, it is difficult to implement ownership ceilings. As a large and powerful landowner, I could parcel out my holdings in the names of various members of my family, so that each parcel fell below the legally imposed ceiling. Faced with these difficulties, most governments resort to redistributive policies that take an entirely different route: they tax increments to the shock of wealth, rather than the existing wealth base. Thus marginal rates of tax on high income purchase of various products, and business profits are taxed as well. These taxes, imposed as they are on the margin, tend to bring down the rate of investment and therefore the rate of economic growth. Chapter 3: Political economic theory In this section, I shall concentrate on three policies which were probably the main driving force behind rapid economic growth while maintaining low level of income inequality. They are Land Reform and Agricultural policy, Public-Housing policy and Education. These three political acts shaped up the main foundation in the early stage of economic development and because of this solid foundation; Korea and Singapore were able to achieve their current economic status in the international arena. Many people, in general, believe that industry, not agriculture, can only facilitate the economic growth and agriculture constrains the economic growth to some extent. I will attempt to argue that agriculture and industry are equally able to constrain or facilitate economic development, but that agriculture is perhaps more important in the earlier stages of development, while industry is possibly more important in the latter. In doing so, I attempt to emphasise the importance of land reform in th e earlier phase of development and how South Korea and Singapore achieved it. Public-housing policy is rather more relevant to Singapores case than of South Korea. Today, over 85% of Singapore population resides in housing provided by the government since its public housing policy began in 1930s. The initial quality of housing was poor, but the continuous revolutionary programme since 1960s dramatically improved living conditions. The success of public housing policy, thus the positive spill-over effect of the programme on income inequality and economic growth will be discussed more in detail later on. High level of education, thus high quality of human capital in East Asia has always been on top of the list whenever the driving force of East Asian Miracle was discussed. Thus, I will further investigate why the education is considered to be so much more important in East Asia compared to other developing countries and the effect education on income inequality and economic growth. Ho wever, most of all, the authoritarian political background of Korea and Singapore government must be stressed before the three policies are discussed. This is because without the complete control that President Park, Jung-Hee had in Korea and Peoples Action Party had in Singapore, these policies would not have had its full effect. Government intervention can determine four general areas of distribution of income. They are as follows; Functional distribution à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" the returns to labour, land, and capital as determined by factor prices, utilisation levels, and the consequent shares of national income that accrue to the owners of each factor. Size distribution- the functional income distribution of an economy translated into a size distribution by knowledge of how ownership and control over productive assets and labour skills are concentrated and distributed throughout the population. The distribution of these asset holdings and skill endowments ultimately determines the distribution of personal income. Moderating (reducing) the size distribution at the upper levels through progressive taxation of personal income and wealth. Such taxation increases government revenues and converts a market-and asset- determined level of personal income into a fiscally corrected disposal personal income. An individual or familys disposable income is the actual amount available for expenditure on goods and services and for saving. Moderating (increasing) the size distribution at the lower levels through public expenditures of tax revenues to raise the incomes of the poor either directly (e.g. by outright money transfer) or indirectly, through public employment creation or the provision of free or subsidised primary education and health care for both men and women. Such public policies raise the real income levels of the poor above their market-determined personal income levels. 189 A contribution which agriculture makes to economic development is known as factor contribution which is related to functional distribution. This can be divided into a further two contributions labour contribution and capital contribution. Labour contribution is defined as the phenomenon when agricultural productivity improves and surplus labour form the agricultural sector is released in to the industrial sector. Yao (2006) noted that in pre-reform China this was not so as labour could not be immediately transferred from one sector to another. In Chinas case this resulted in depressed agricultural labour productivity and large underutilised human capital. In terms of capital contribution Thirlwall (2006) explains that capital contribution can be via voluntary investment in machinery or via involuntary contributions in the form of taxes. One way in which agriculture may constrain economic development is through the product contribution of forward linkage effect, wherein the agriculture sector is responsible for providing raw material, capital and labour for the rest of the economy (Todaro, 2006, 819). Economic development is characterised by a substantial increase in demand for agricultural products, and if the expansion in food supplies (Johnston, 1961, 567) cannot meet demand, then economic growth will be stunted: there will be a significant rise in food prices, leading to pressure on wage rates, which could adversely affect industrial profits, investment and hence economic growth; it could also cause political discontent (Johnston, 1961, 573). This pressure on wage rates can have extremely adverse effects in undeveloped countries where food has a dominant position as a wage good. Structuralists would argue this was at least in part due to a growing population putting pressure on food supplies, coupled with supply inelasticities (Thirwall, 2006, 452). A reliance on exports may also develop. Growth of demand for food is particularly significant as high rates of population growth (1.5%-3%) characterise most of the worlds developing countries, as the decline in death rates, due to increased medical knowledge and application, is frequently much sharper than the fall in birth rates (Johnston, 1980, 572). However, it is worth considering Engelss law at this point, which states that the income elasticity for primary commodities is in elastic; the implication being that as individuals, and a countrys income rise, they will spend proportionally less on these commodities (Thirwall, 2006, 550) and agriculture will become a less important component of economic development. Furthermore, the share of agriculture is GDP falls as per capita income increases; labour share also declines. Nevertheless, income elasticity for food tends to be considerably less elastic for developing countries in comparison with developed ones- 0.6 versus 0.2 or 0.2 Western Europe, the U.S and Canada (Johnston, 1961, 572), suggesting that at least in the short-run, or in the early stages of development, a lack of ability to provide product contribution could mean that agriculture is a main constraint to economic growth. Engels law also has implications for the foreign exchange contribution argument: which states that a country which primarily exports primary commodities will automatically suffer a balance of payments deterioration if there is a growth in world income, vis-ÃÆ'  -vis the balance of payments of a developed country largely exporting industrial goods (Thirwall, 2006, 550), as purported by the Singer-Prebisch thesis, whose import substitution industrialisation hypothesis advocates that developing countries replace imported industrial goods with their own domestically-produced versions. Furthermore, countries will have a heavy reliance on agricultural exports, particularly those which have a heavy reliance on one particular export, such as coffee, tea or fruits, are at the mercy of environmental factors within their own countries, as well as trade barriers and changes in taste, internationally. However, a long-run goal of diversifying from a reliance on one or two export crops can lesse n this vulnerability (Johnston, 1961, 575). In addition, primary commodities typically are the greatest source of foreign exchange and foreign exchange is needed to fund development projects (Todaro, 2006, 69). It is also worth noting that some countries have a marked comparative advantage in agriculture and that in these, a reliance on agricultural exports does not necessarily constraining at all. In some ways, agriculture is in fact an enabler of economic development as it can provide inter-sectoral transfers to faster growing industrial sectors, vis-ÃÆ'  -vis labour or capital transfers. As non-industrial sectors grow, they will need an increased quantity of labour, and whilst the assumption of the Lewis two-sector model that labour supply is perfectly elastic can never be entirely true (due to, lack of transferable skills, or cultural factors, such as an unwillingness on the part of women to move away from their families), it is likely that during the earlier stages of development at least, labour will be drawn from the agricultural sector, as there will be fewer other sources (Johnston, 1961, 576). This loss of labour might in turn provide incentives for agricultural sectors to become more productive, though investment from some source will obviously be necessarily to enable this. However, empirical evidence would appear to suggest that capital, rather than labour is th e main limiting factor to industrial growth, at least in the case of Japan, where taxes levied on the agricultural sector constituted 80% of the tax burden and were used to subsidise the creation of a merchant and shipbuilding industry, as well as investments in railways and education. (Johnston, 1961, 578) This evidentially, presents an example of agriculture enabling, not constraining economic development. However, using agriculture in this way to provide capital for industrialisation inhibits the farming sector from aiding economic development in another way; namely through market contribution, otherwise known as the backward linkage effect, where the agricultural sector generates a demand for industrial products, such as fertilisers, insecticides, machinery, transportation and so on, positively impacting on the economy as a whole. In fact, in the early stages of development, the agricultural sector is likely to provide the largest market for industrial goods. Hence, if a countrys agricultural sector is very largely subsistence, as it is in many developing countries, with farmers able to afford very few of such capital inputs, then agriculture may indeed be the main constraint to economic development. (Thirwall, 2006) Thirwall in fact goes as far to say that, a precondition for rapid industrial growth is a rapidly expanding agricultural sector (2006) Some economists, such as Hirschman, have argued that there are in fact higher linkage effects in the industrial, rather than the agricultural sector and in particular, that in many less developed countries, linkages are to be found within manufacturing industries, but not between industry and agriculture. According to Hirschman idea of Unbalanced Growth, the key to economic development is investment in a leading sector, an industrial sector with high linkages, rather than in agriculture. A problem with this however, is the previously-mentioned inflation, due to lack of coordination between supply and demand. Propagating a single industry might indeed lead to the similar problems with lack of trade diversification that occur when primary commodities are the sole export. As a consequence of land reform, Korea has enjoyed a reputation among countries as one with a relatively equitable income distribution (World Bank, 1983). In1945, when Korea was liberated from Japan and soon afterwards partitioned into South and North, about 80 per cent of the labour force in South Korea was engaged in agricultural and less than 3 per cent in the mining, manufacturing and construction sector. Under these circumstances, two land reforms in 1947 and 1949 meant the collapse of a traditional social order based on land, especially a rice-cultivating society, and the start of a new social order. Furthermore, the Korean War (1950-1953) had a profound impact on South Korean society, destroying existing capital stocks and levelling out the distribution of non-agricultural assets, and leaving the majority of Koreans in destitution. (Pg9 Korea housing) In a rather elaborate simulation-planning exercise, Irma Adelman and Sherman Robinson have investigated the interactive effects of various rural development programmes on income distribution and poverty South Korea. Land reform is one component. (Adelman and Robinson, 1978) Their objective was to determine what types of programmes would yield the largest impact over the medium term. They constructed a basic model of the Korean economy, taking great pains to calibrate it so that its predictions came close to actual outcomes over a predetermined period. In essence, the basic model was made to mimic the development of the Korean economy over a nine-year period, 1964 to 1972. The result is significant. First, among the individual programmes, land reform has the most favourable impact on income distribution. Second, land reform and the public works and small-scale industry programmes are much more effective in reducing poverty than are the other programmes. Third, promoting rural development, that is, implementing all the simulated programmes, leads to greater reductions in the incidence of poverty and income di sparities than either of the two programmes taken individually or jointly. And fourth, without land reform, rural development programmes would be less successful at addressing both poverty and income inequality. (The key to the Asian Miracle, 55) Therefore, the inequality in landholdings is resulting in inequality in all spheres of economic activity, social and political life. The inequality in landownership is leading to inequality of other productive assets also. The inequality is further resulting in un-equal access to the much needed agricultural inputs like credit etc. (Krishna Rao, Growth and Inequality in Agriculture, 1991, 55) Nevertheless, Alice Amsden argues that the reputation of Korea as a country with low income inequality might be due to false information for three reasons: (1) The value of real estate and other assets, which lends to appreciate with inflation, rose more rapidly in the 1970s than wages. Because this value is excluded from income and these assets tend to be owned by higher income earners, the treatment of such assets is likely to result in the understatement of inequality. (2) The equivalent of the United States Internal Revenue Service in Korea sometimes includes and sometimes excludes from the calculation of personal income, capital gains, rent, and interest payments. Such income is also taxed differently from wage income. (3) It was possible until 1988 to open bank accounts in Korea under an assumed name. Nevertheless, land reform did respond to the ancient cry for egalitarianism. When Korea was an overwhelmingly agrarian country, land reform undoubtedly contributed to greater equi ty in size distribution of income. In the late 1930s, 3% of all farm households had owned over two thirds of all land, whereas ten years later. Fewer than 7% of all households were landless (Ben et al, 1980). (Asias Next Giant, Amsden, 38) In addition, Korea has unusually high levels of aggregate economic concentration and of wage inequality by international standards. The process of measuring equality in Korea is vexed by institutional factors. It is undeniable that the Korean state played a central role in the countrys economic development through its cunning use of state-created rents as an instrument for industrial development. Of course, such a result was only possible because the Korean state was a strong state which could discipline firms whenever necessary. It has often been suggested that the Korean state could become strong because the countrys historical development left a social structure with no powerful social classes to contest state power. (Ha Joon Jang, the East Asian development experience, 95) Another example of a significant state role in maintaining low income inequality is an agricultural pricing control. The typical price support programme consists in offering guaranteed procurement prices at which the government stands ready to buy food grain. The idea, of course, is to increase the marketed surplus of grain. At the same time, governments often are unwilling to pass on these prices to urban consumers, partly because these consumers are typically incensed by higher prices and partly because of the effect on the industrial wage. Thus price support programmes are usually accompanied by a subsidy to urban consumers: the procured food is sold at or below market prices by the government. Of course, someone has to pay for this subsidy, and it usually comes out of the government budget. An alternative option is to maintain an overvalued exchange rate. The overvaluation is kept in place by tariff or quota-based restrictions on imports. The implication of overvaluation is that the prices of exports are kept artificially low in terms of the domestic currency. If the country is a food exporter, this policy has the effect of discouraging food exports and shifting food sales into the domestic market. The policy has sufficient opacity about it-farmers may not be aware that the exchange rate is overvalued and reduces their export earnings- and it has the desired impact of making food available to urban consumers without a price rise. 369 Singapore governments public housing policy played a major role in achieving rapid economic growth because public housing policy both directly and indirectly provided opportunities for foreign investments. Singapore government unlike Korean government focused on gathering funds from foreign investors because their belief was that the multinational companies are able to present an opportunity to open up world markets to Singapore; thus increasing Singapores reputation in the international arena as well as providing the sufficient skilled and relatively well-paid jobs for the population; and hence, to upgrade the economy quickly through value-added activities (Reference). The multinational companies were not only attracted by the business environment and incentives in Singapore but also an opportunity to make greater profit presented by the Peoples Action Party (PAP) policies. Two arguments are put forward by Castells, Goh and Kwok that pub lic housing policy managed to keep the costs of operation for foreign investors. First, the public housing lowered the costs of living. The workers were able to rent house at relatively low prices, thus the wage rates in Singapore were not as high as other industrialising countries. With low wage rates, companies were not restricted to lowering quality of labour when employing workers to expand or set up businesses. The empirical example given by Castells et al illustrates this. Although real income increased during the early stage of industrialisation, public housing rentals set in 1960 (at as low as 15 Singapore dollar per month for one-room emergency flat) were not adjusted until 1979, and selling prices of public flats set in 1964 were not adjusted until 1974. In addition, the provision and development of package of relatively high standards of other human and social services, such as educational, health, recreational and other community facilities, in conjunction with public ho using further subsidised the workers costs of living. (Reference) Second, public housing helped develop a complete network of urban infrastructure. State investments and subsidies into creating and improving industrial sites and services and other infrastructures such as railway system and roads around industrial sites reduced overhead and operating costs of the investing companies. Ssc The state investment also assisted the expansion of other industrial and commercial activities. This is another prime example of usage of forward/backward linkage effect. Singapore government not only managed to facilitate environments for investors but also provided bigger markets for domestic businesses that were at the early stage of expansion. Castells et al supports the second argument with an example of the Jurong Town Cooperation and the Housing Development Board (HDB). The Jurong Town Cooperation was established in 1968 as a spin-off from the Economic Development Board specifically to develop industrial sites and services, factories and living quarters for workers. However, the scope of the Cooperation was limited to assisting particularly the heavier industries and all industries within the industrial town of Jurong. Meanwhile, as the major landlord and developer in the republic, the Housing Development Board (HDB) was, in effect, largely responsible for the orderly coordination and development of almost the entire network of urban infrastructure and services, including the provision of sites and factories for light and non-polluting industries in the new towns. (Reference) Therefore, all these public-housing-led developments and services created a sophisticated level of social and urban services that formed the very basis of industrialisation and human capital productivity. These infrastructural investments subsidised a relatively high standard of living for the labour force. Moreover, the infrastructure supported the rapid growth of industrial and commercial activiti es that further enhanced Singapores image as a prospective investment locale, as well as an active business and financial centre, in the region. Public housing has also contributed to Singapores economic development in the area of capital formation. Funding for all the public construction by the HDB and other public development agencies came from the tremendous savings accumulated through the Central Provident Fund (CPF). 305 Besides economic regulation and government intervention on the supply side of economic development, Singapore also has a significant sui generis welfare state. There are no welfare payments, and no unemployment insurance, although there is low unemployment, and the high rate of labour force participation and persistence of strong family ties enable the family structure to provide for most of the victims of economic recessions. The real extent of the welfare state in Singapore includes housing, health, and education. Primary education is almost universal and costs a low nominal fee. Secondary education is free and expanding rapidly. However, its provision is restricted to those children able to pass an examination at the end of primary school, a procedure that epitomises Singapores meritocratic system. University education remains the domain of meritocratic elite, clearly modelled after Oxbridge pattern. Health care is of moderate to good quality and provided almost free for class C p eople (low-income). Classes B and A have to pay higher fees, although since 1985 they have been able to use their CPF contributions to pay for hospital costs. However, people can decide that they are class C and pay a normal fee, without account being taken of their income, provided that they accept the standard conditions of public health care, certainly lower than the technological level of Singapore. Yet the system clearly exceeds any other in the ASEAN region and in most of Asia in quality and affordability. In terms of housing, 85% of the population live in public housing at affordable prices. Although these high-density high à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å"rise living quarters, they are well equipped with facilities, organised o the basis of self-sustaining new towns. Housing units are provided at a cost estimated to be as much as 40% lower than equivalent accommodation in the private sector. This is mainly because of the low cost of land purchased by the Housing Development Board, and the economies of scale achieved by a comprehensive programme that clears land, designs buildings, produces its own construction materials, contracts and supervises the builders, and manages and maintains the housing estates. The Housing and Development Board is actually the manager of Singapores everyday life. Government provision of collective consumption goods and services also includes open-air activities, cultural and recreational facilities, and institutional support for social life through the community centres that exist in most neighbourhoods and particularly in the new towns. By decisively intervening in the process of social consumption, the government provides the material basis for raising the standard of living in spite of low direct wages for the majority of the population (about 70% of Singaporean workers till earn less than $400 per month). In so doing, the state also shapes the pattern of social life and exercises its control and guidance of people, a matter with consid erable policy implications. 188 The most important factor that facilitated the creation of the massive and comprehensive public housing programme in Singapore was the effective implementation and enforcement of the compulsory land-acquisition policies, based on eminent domain. This stringent land policy of compulsory land acquisition has limited land speculation during a period of tremendous economic growth, kept public development of sizable and more efficient satellite towns and housing estates. It has also contributed to the creation of a captive demand market. Between 1961 and 1985, the HDB managed to clear almost $1200milion Singaporean dollar. This provides an idea of the extent of the captive nature of the demand market. The land-acquisition policy has served to redistribute wealth and resources in Singapore. Acquisition made at the expense of private landowners has enabled the government to assemble land for the development of the massive public housing programme, providing the opportunity for homeownership to almost the entire citizenry. Besides, unless government assists in acquisition, clearance, resubdivision of land and planning, the private sector on its own will have great difficulty in obtaining choice sites for proper development, thereby giving indirect rise to urban sprawl (Head, Urban and Renewal Department, HDB, in Strits Times 18 April 1967) The Land Acquisition Ordinance was first passed in 1920 to empower the British Governor of Singapore to acquire private land for public purposes (Wong and Yeh, 1985, page 40). It was amended in 1946 and again in 1955 to give the government greater power to negotiate more comprehensive land acquisitions. These amendments helped to stabilise land pri ces and made possible the improvement of roads and the development of public housing and other public improvement projects. 267-268 On the contrary, housing in Korea was not an issue in political and social debate until at least early 1940s. The quality of housing was limited by the availability of materials and the skills of self-builders, but homelessness and housing tenure were unlikely to be a problem. After independence from Japan and partition in 1945 and the Korean War (1950-1953), the quality and quantity of housing was incredibly low. Although housing is an extremely important aspect of human life, it ranks below nourishment. Food, clothing, and therefore economic growth were more urgent and necessary requirements. Although housing was scarce and of a poor quality as a whole, the assumption of the government was that increased household income would be transferred into effective demands for new, decent housing, which builders would supply, increasing the number of households accommodated in decent houses. Given the constraints of defence expenditure, the housing sector had to be insulated from other inve stment for economic growth. This lack of money available for expenditure on housing by the government has constrained Korea to more negative means of coping with housing problems, such as regulations and controls, rather than positive means, such as direct supply or subsidies. The lack of resources also conditioned the public sector into closer collaboration with the market. The government adopted the private ownership solution mainly because there was no money available. As a means of keeping living costs and wages under control and raising labour productivity, the Korean government adopted food subsidies and mass investment in education, rather than subsidising housing like in Singapore. In 1969, for instance, the government launched the dual grain price programme, buying at higher prices from farmers and selling at lower prices to urban workers. At that time, those policies were more efficient given local circumstances. Until the 1970s, household expenditure on foods accounted fo r over 50 per cent of household income, while that on housing accounted for less than 15 per cent. (Economic Growth, Low Income and Housing in South Korea, Kim Woo-Jin, 1997, 106) Furthermore, the Korean government began to encourage urban renewals as a counter-measure against the economic downturn. Subsequently, general price inflation led by a real estate boom recorded the highest level in a decade. Land, office buildings and real estate in general were demanded not only for use but also for proving wealth. A large proportion of domestic savings was being switched from investment in industry to speculative investment in real estate. Moreover, government regulations over housing price and housing standards created conditions in which management of house builders focused increasingly on the speculative skills of buying land, selling at the right time, arranging favourable deals with subcontractors, and lobbying to change land use under the name of land banking. High inflation under the faltering economy led the government to give the highest priority in national policy to price stabilisation from 1879. In order to stabilise price increases, the government launched a tight monetary and fiscal policy. As a result of the policy, public-sector housing suppliers faced a serious scarcity of funds. With respect to the consumption side, demands for owner-occupation were declining because of deteriorating economic conditions, especially in moderate- and middle-income sectors. (Economic Growth, Low Income and Housing in South Korea, Kim Woo-Jin, 1997, 114) Compared with PAPs policy in Singapore, South Korean government took quite different methodology and approach to tackle the distribution and economic development issues. South Korean government chose to mainly control the food price in order to dampen the pressure of living costs and left the housing industry to the supply and demand of the market, whereas Singaporean government chose to subsidise in housing market in order to increase disposable income of those who are at low end of wage spectrum. Education As I briefly mentioned in introduction, the cultural factor, especially the dominance of Confucianism, may be the only explanation behind the high level of education in East Asia. Confucius teaching background is evident in his emphasis on the power of education to bring about self-transformation. Confucius believed education helped people open their minds and realize their potential to become noble people in tune with the will of Heaven and in tune with other people. Education is so important to Confucianism that it is one of the primary methods used to reach a higher state of being. Confucius believed studying the liberal arts could create a better-rounded person, with each field of study helping to strengthen a specific aspect of personality. Education included study of six areas: poetry, to refine thought and expression; history, for understanding tradition and developing moral judgment; ritual, for understanding propriety; music, for inner transformation; politics, for social tr ansformation; and cosmology, for achieving harmony with the sacred forces. (Confucianism 101, L.E. Terry, 2005) Based on these facts, the cultural factor cannot be neglected as a minor suggestion when explaining reasons for the high level of education and thus accumulation of human capital. There is a strong possibility that East Asian governments would have known that the accumulation of human capital is crucial for economic growth, but the investment figures of Korea and Singapore in education are unprecedented in any developing countries as well as any developed countries while they were in developing process. Studies on the economics of education in both developed and developing nations formerly focused on the link among education, labour productivity, and output growth. This is not surprising in light of an objective of development during the 1950s and 1960s, the maximisation of aggregate rates of output growth. As a result impact of absolute poverty was largely neglected. Recent studies, however, have demonstrated that contrary to what might have been assumed, the educational systems of many developing nations sometimes act to increase rather than to decrease income inequalities. The basic reason for this perverse effect of formal education on income distribution is the positive correlation between level of education and level of lifetime earnings. This correlation holds especially for workers who are able to complete secondary and university education where income differentials over workers who have completed only part or all of their primary education can be on the order of 300% to 800%. And as levels of earned income are clearly dependent on years of completed schooling, it follows that large income inequalities will be reinforced if students from the middle and upper income brackets are represented disproportionately in secondary and university enrolments. In short, it for financial or other reasons the poor are effectively denied access to secondary and higher educational opportunities, the educational system can actually perpetuate and even increase inequality in developing countries. Educational economist John Simmons gives the following sketch of how the poor are beginning to regard education: Schooling, the poor quickly learn, in most countries, is an escape from poverty for only a few. The poor are the first to drop out because they need to work, the first to be pushed out because they fall asleep in class as one result of malnourishment, and the first to fail their French and English tests because upper income children have had better opportunities at home. The hope brought to village parents by the construction of the primary school fades. Enough schooling to secure steady, even menial job for their son, let alone for their daughter, seems just beyond their grasp. Beforeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦ any schooling would have done to achieve their aspiration. Now a primary school certificate is needed, and some are saying that even students with some secondary schooling cannot get a steady job; and they could never afford to send their son away to town for secondary schooling. There are two fundamental economic reasons why one might suspect that many LECD educational systems inherently inegalitarian, in the sense that poor affluent students have less chance of completing any given educational cycle than more affluent students. First, the private costs of primary education (especially in view of the opportunity cost of a childs labour to poor families) are higher for poor students than for more affluent students. Second, the expected benefits of primary education are lower for poor students. Together, the higher costs and lower expected benefits of education mean that a poor familys rate of return from investment in a childs education is lower than it is for other families. The poor are therefore more likely to drop out during the early years of schooling. Korea and Singapore appear to beat this cycle and have industrialised rapidly because they have invested relatively heavily in education. Educational investments resulted in universal primary education and in widely available secondary education. In addition, the quality of schooling has improved more rapidly in the East Asian economies than in other middle-income economies; as fertility rates fell in the 1970s, education spending per child rose sharply even as education expenditure as a percentage of GNP remained constant or, in some cases, declined. In Korea and Singapore, the school-age percentage of the population dropped by nearly half from 1965 to 1989. (East Asian Miracle, World Bank Report, 20) As argued by Young (1995) and Nelson and Pack (1999), coupled with factor accumulations in physical capital and labour force, an increase in human capital through improved educational levels accounts for the fast economic growth experienced by Korea. The proportion of the Korean workfo rce with a secondary education has tripled between the mid- 1960s and mid-1990s. This high level of education has enabled the labour force to absorb rapid changes in technology. Moreover, education has played a pivotal role in improving productivity in agriculture and industry within the Korean economy. (Asian Development Report) A well-educated work force, both white- and blue-collar, is a general property of late industrialisation, distinguishing it from earlier industrial change. (Alice Amsden, Asias Next Giant, 216) Clearly, late-industrialising countries tend to promote greater accessibility to education than was customary in earlier periods of industrial expansion. What is noteworthy here is the relative pre-eminence of Korea, by contemporary standards, in this area of social progress. Even among late-industrialising countries, Korea tends to excel in most indices of education, standardised for population size: secondary students as a percent of eligible secondary-age students , scientists and engineers per capita, and so on. Korea scores higher in most educational indicators than even Singapore, which adopted a high-skill growth strategy before Korea. Nevertheless, there is also drawback of having many high educated workforces. Over 95% of eighteen-year-old children graduate from high schools, and more than 70% of them advance to higher education institutions. The result of this is that many employers consider an undergraduate degree as a minimum requirement and thus over half of undergraduates carry on their studying to further education level in order to make themselves more employable. This effectively creates further education costs that poor students cannot afford. Moreover, Korean society runs in culture of In-maek, which is alumni relations. The statics show that the students who graduated from Seoul University, Yonsei University and Korea University Chapter 4: After Asian financial crisis Explaining the Recent rise in income inequality (Weil,380) The technological advance is the main driving force in the recent rise in income inequality. As with other increases in technological progress, information technology increased the rate of return to certain characteristics of workers à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â‚¬Å" most importantly education. Computers complemented the skills that educated workers already possessed, making such workers more productive, while doing little to raise the productivity of uneducated workers. In 1993, for example, 70% of workers with a college education used a computer in their jobs, while only 10% of workers with less than high school education did so. The new technology also created a fluid situation in which there was a high return to flexibility or entrepreneurial spirit.

Problems Faced By Manual System Essay - 1829 Words

1.1 [a] Problems The staff members manually do a lot of things for example they write the return date, check if there is any fine to be paid and search the entry in the log book. By increasing the number of members, the data quantity is increasing at the same time and they have difficulty in controlling overdue. Also to look for any particular book or Author, the members need the staff. But the problem is sometimes things they want to find are in wrong place – other shelf, on the table and someone’s hands. All this manual system decrease efficiency and need more staff to manage them. Solution These kind of problems are caused by manual system can be solved with computerization of the system which is based on effective database. This will bring two benefits – one is improvement of the competence of the library and another is that the library is able to reduce the costs. [b] [c] Access Give local host number to the database program. When the people input the address in the address bar, everyone can access to the site. Shared Use By sharing IP address all step and members can share the program, but members can’t see customer’s information. Privacy/Security To see customer’s privacy information and manage them, they have to log in with user ID and password. Data administration People who access as a staff ID can add, cancel and delete books and members. All data is saved in database table even though it is deleted. 1.2 User(Member) Information User ID (Primary Key /Show MoreRelatedDocument Information Sign Off Sheet907 Words   |  4 PagesINSURANCE Use of Actisure Medical Accounting. Alfred Kipruto 4/30/2015 â€Æ' Document Information Sign-off Sheet About this Document: This document identifies the current system challenges and proposals on the way forward on the Actisure receipting and payment. Author: Alfred K. 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Innovation The Entrepreneur

Question: HowInnovation helps the entrepreneur? Explain. Answer: Innovation helps the entrepreneur to come up with new ideas and as a result, every entrepreneur must possess the skill of innovation. However, risk management helps in reviewing as well as prioritizing the risk in the trade. The risks are in turn minimized by using resources that were helping reduce those risks. To provide the students with the knowledge of managing the risk in business, it is important to prepare an assignment report on risk management and innovation. However, I faced both benefits as well as challenges while preparing the assignment report (Davenport 2013). Benefits: This assignment report is mainly based on business permanence, and it helped me to get equipped with the information of sustainability. The assignment report also enabled me to get a broad outlook of the company that is enjoyed by the entrepreneurs. The assignment report also helped me to gain knowledge regarding globalization as well as assortment. I was also acknowledged about creativity and innovation. I have also come to know that to become a successful entrepreneur; it is imperative to come up with new ideas that do not exist in the market. Apple, for example is one of the company that is known for its innovation process. I have gathered information about the innovation that is generated by Apple, which includes the launching of mobile payment service on the Smartphone. This was later followed by Samsung (Jun and Sung Park 2013). I have also been equipped with academic and risk management skills with the help of this module. The skills helped me to think significantly as well as imaginatively. With the support of this skill, I was able to analyze as well as identify the statement and also prove the logics that are false. With the help of this assignment report, I was able to assess the information which is based on facts and not an assumption. By examining the risk management, I was able to get the skills to identify the performance of the different organization. The risk management also helped to manage and measure the financial risk. I also obtained the transferable as well as the practical professional skills. I developed those skills that helped me to work in a group. The skills which I developed also helped me to influence others who were not performing well. I also developed an excellent communication skill along with the self-awareness that helped me to become efficient. The research that I performed was the secondary research. I collected information about the innovation that was carried out by Apple from the article The innovative Success that is Apple, Inc. The data were already collected as well as researched. I referred to various journals and articles in order to get the information regarding the risk management and innovation. Challenges: The challenge which I faced was very critical as well as too broad. The assignment report involved various key concepts that included globalization, development of the enterprises as well as sustainability and risk management. I had to acquire the concepts of the terms to understand the details of the terms that were used. As a result, I was not able to gain enough knowledge due to the overload of the experience. I mainly faced the challenges in the terms of risk management as various risks are encountered in the real world in diverse forms. There is no clear design about the risk management, which can be applied to all the risks. These are the few challenges which came on my way while completing the Innovation Risk Management module assignment report. References Davenport, T.H., 2013.Process innovation: reengineering work through information technology. Harvard Business Press. Jun, S. and Sung Park, S., 2013. Examining technological innovation of Apple using patent analysis.Industrial Management Data Systems,113(6), pp.890-907.

Is there a Place for Faith in God Todays Society free essay sample

This paper analyzes the place of religious belief in todays secular society. and asks can they coexist? The author believes there is a place for both. This paper is a philosophical investigation into the nature and grounds of religious beliefs. The author tries to answer questions regarding the nature of God, the immortality of the soul, the nature of miracles, and the problem of evil. The author uses the writings of Einstein, Russell, Freud and Nietzsche, who pondered these larger questions. A newspaper article is attached/ `There are barriers to the belief of God as much today as there was at the beginning of time. And there have always been those that argue for and against such an existence. The process of faith, of belief is something of a struggle even for those that dont spend a day without the strong after taste of their daily prayer. Religion offers a sense of belonging, a sense of closeness, a sense of meaning in a sometimes cold world. We will write a custom essay sample on Is there a Place for Faith in God Todays Society? or any similar topic specifically for you Do Not WasteYour Time HIRE WRITER Only 13.90 / page But secularism offers its own set of strengths and reliefs that are not found in religion. But this biggest argument concerning religion is the one that comes because of the deep contrast it makes with the laws of science; somehow, things have just never lined up. We live in a world that says, If you cant see it, it cant be true.`

One Flew over the Cukos Nest Essay Example

One Flew over the Cukos Nest Essay Example One Flew over the Cukos Nest Essay One Flew over the Cukos Nest Essay There are several interesting and complex characters throughout One Flew Over the Cuckoos Nest by Ken Kesey. Two of the most fascinating are the books main protagonist, Randle McMurphy, and antagonist, Nurse Ratched. Randle is definitely my favorite characters, while Nurse Ratched is my least favorite. Randle McMurphy, was sane man who was pretending to be insane in order to avoid being incarcerated in prison. He is my favorite character due to the way he matures throughout the book and stands up for what he believes in. At the onset of the story, he is a loud, boorish man who is convicted of battery, a seemingly hopeless cause. However, as the book progresses, he begins to change the lives of the patients in the insane asylum in which he resides by showing them how to take revenge on Nurse Ratched. He even gives one man enough courage to break out of the ward, which he was unrightfully imprisoned in, and start his life anew. This shows the heroism that Randall possessed despite being a convicted felon, and why he was my favorite character. Nurse Ratched, the head nurse of the ward and oppressor of the patients, was undoubtedly my least favorite character in the story. Throughout the book, she relentlessly tortured the patients mentally unless they did exactly what she said. When Randall arrived at the ward, he convinced the patients that she could be defeated, and instills new hope in the asylum. Nurse Ratched hears of this, and she eventually gives Randall a lobotomy, rendering him unable to speak, and effectively ending his ability to unite the patients. This shows that Nurse Ratched was clearly the most despicable character in the book which was why she was my least favorite character. In One Flew over the Cuckoos Nest, there were many complex characters that could be analyzed for their good qualities as well as their bad. However, Randall plainly sticks out for his selflessness towards the other patients, while Nurse Ratched is notable for her nearly inhumane cruelty toward those patients.

Biography of Renzo Piano, Italian Architect

Biography of Renzo Piano, Italian Architect Renzo Piano (born September 14, 1937) is a Pritzker Prize Laureate, an architect known for his broad range of iconic projects that blend architecture and engineering. From a sports stadium in his native Italy to a cultural center in the south Pacific, Pianos architecture exhibits futuristic design, a sensitivity to the environment, and attention to the user experience. Fast Facts: Renzo Piano Known For:  Pritzker-Prize Laureate, leading-edge and prolific contemporary architectBorn:  September 14, 1937 in Genoa, ItalyParents: Carlo PianoEducation: Polytechnic University of MilanMajor Projects:  Centre Georges Pompidou, Paris, the Lingotto Factory restoration in Turin, Italy, the Kansai International Airport, Osaka, the Museum of the Beyeler Foundation, Basel, the Jean Marie Tjibaou Cultural Center, Noumà ©a, New Caledonia, the Potsdamer Platz reconstruction, Berlin, The Shard, London, California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco, The Whitney Museum, New YorkAwards and Honors:  Legion of Honour, the gold medal of the Royal Institute of British Architects in London, Pritzker Architecture PrizeSpouse: Magda Arduino, Emilia (Milly) RossatoChildren: Carlo, Matteo, LiaNotable Quote: Architecture is art. I dont think you should say that too much, but it is art. I mean, architecture is many, many things. Architecture is science, is technology, is geography, is typography , is anthropology, is sociology, is art, is history. You know all this comes together. Architecture is a kind of bouillabaisse, an incredible bouillabaisse. And, by the way, architecture is also a very polluted art in the sense that its polluted by life, and by the complexity of things. Early Years Renzo Piano was born into a family of building contractors, including his grandfather, father, uncles, and brother. Piano honored this tradition when in 1981 he named his architecture firm Renzo Piano Building Workshop (RPBW), as if it were forever to be a small family business. Says Piano: I was born into a family of builders, and this has given me a special relationship with the art of doing. I always loved going to building sites with my father and seeing things grow from nothing, created by the hand of man. Piano studied at the  Polytechnic University of Milan from 1959 to 1964 before returning to work in his fathers business in 1964, working under the guidance of Francis Albini. Early Career and Influences Eking out a living by teaching and building with his familys business, from 1965 to 1970 Piano traveled to the United States to work in the Philadelphia office of Louis I. Kahn. He then went on to London to work with the Polish engineer Zygmunt StanisÅ‚aw Makowski, known for his study and research of spatial structures. Early on, Piano sought out guidance from those who blended architecture and engineering. His mentors included the French-born designer Jean Prouvà © and the brilliant Irish structural engineer Peter Rice. In 1969, Piano received his first major commission to design the Italian Industry Pavilion at Expo ‘70 in Osaka, Japan. His Pavilion garnered international attention, including that of young architect Richard Rogers. The two architects formed a fruitful partnership that lasted from 1971 to 1978. Together they entered and won the international competition for the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris. The Centre Pompidou Piano and Rogers spent the better part of the 1970s designing and building the Centre Georges Pompidou, also known as Beaubourg. It remains one of the main cultural centers and attractions in Paris. Completed in 1977, it was career-launching architecture for both men. The radically innovative Centre has often been described as â€Å"high tech.† Piano has objected to this description, offering his own: â€Å"Beaubourg was intended to be a joyful urban machine, a creature that might have come from a Jules Verne book, or an unlikely looking ship in dry dock...Beaubourg is a double provocation: a challenge to academicism, but also a parody of the technological imagery of our time. To see it as high-tech is a misunderstanding.† International Notoriety After their success with the Centre, the two architects went their own way. In 1977, Piano partnered with Peter Rice to form Piano Rice Associates. And in 1981, he founded the Renzo Piano Building Workshop. Piano has become the most sought-after museum architect in the world. He is renowned for his ability to harmonize buildings both with their external environment and the art exhibited within them.   Piano is also celebrated for his landmark examples of energy-efficient green design. With a living roof and a four-story tropical rainforest, the California Academy of Sciences in San Francisco claims to be the worlds greenest museum, thanks to the design of Piano. The Academy writes, It all began with architect Renzo Piano’s idea to lift up a piece of the park and put a building underneath. For Piano, the architecture became part of the landscape. Architectural Style Renzo Pianos work has been called high-tech and bold postmodernism. His 2006 renovation and expansion of the Morgan Library and Museum shows that he has much more than one style. The interior is open, light, modern, natural, old, and new at the same time. Unlike most other architectural stars, writes architecture critic Paul Goldberger, Piano has no signature style. Instead, his work is characterized by a genius for balance and context. The Renzo Piano Building Workshop works with the understanding that architecture is ultimately uno spazio per la gente, a space for people. With attention to detail and maximizing the use of natural light, Pianos many projects exemplify how massive structures can retain a delicateness. Examples include the 1990 sports stadium San Nicola in Bari, Italy, designed to appear to open like petals of a flower. Likewise, in the Lingotto district of Turin, Italy, the 1920s-era car manufacturing factory now has a transparent bubble meeting room on the roof- a light-filled area built for employees in Pianos 1994 building conversion. The exterior facade remains historic; the interior is all new. Variety Piano building exteriors are rarely the same, signature style that cries out the architects name. The 2015 stone-sided New Parliament Building in Valletta, Malta is quite different from the 2010 colorful terracotta facades of Central St. Giles Court in London- and both are different than the 2012 London Bridge Tower, which because of its glass exterior is today known as The Shard. But Renzo Piano does speak of a theme that unites his work: There is one theme that is very important for me: lightness...In my architecture, I try to use immaterial elements like transparency, lightness, the vibration of the light. I believe that they are as much a part of the composition as the shapes and volumes. Finding Spatial Connections The Renzo Piano Building Workshop has developed a reputation for reinventing standing architecture and creating something new. In northern Italy, Piano has done this at the Old Port in Genoa (Porto Antico di Genova) and the brownfield Le Albere district in Trento. In the U.S., he has made modern connections that transformed disparate buildings into a more unified whole. The  Pierpont Morgan Library in New York City went from a city block of separate buildings into a center of research and social gathering under one roof. On the West Coast, Pianos team was asked to fuse the scattered buildings of Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA) into a cohesive campus. Their solution was, in part, to bury the parking lots underground, thus creating space for covered pedestrian walkways to connect the present and future architecture. Choosing a top 10 list of Renzo Piano projects to highlight is nearly impossible. Renzo Pianos work, like that of other great architects, is elegantly distinctive and socially responsible. Legacy In 1998, Renzo Piano was awarded what some call architectures highest honor- The Pritzker Architecture Prize. He remains one of the most respected, prolific, and innovative architects of his time. Many people connect Piano with the raucous design of the Centre de Georges Pompidou. Admittedly, it was not easy for him to lose that association. Because of the Centre, Piano has often been labeled high tech, but he is adamant that this does not describe him: [I]t implies that you arent thinking in a poetic way, he says, which is far from his self-conception. Piano considers himself to be a humanist and technologist, which both fit into modernism. Scholars of architecture note, as well, that Pianos work is rooted in the classical traditions of his Italian homeland. Judges for the Pritzker Architecture Prize credit Piano with redefining modern and postmodern architecture. Sources Biography of Renzo Piano. VIPEssays.com.â€Å"An Architects Vision.†Ã‚  California Academy of Sciences.Goldberger, Paul, and Paul Goldberger. â€Å"Molto Piano.†Ã‚  The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 20 June 2017.â€Å"Green Building Operations.†Ã‚  California Academy of Sciences.Piano, Renzo. 1998 Laureate Acceptance Speech. Pritzker Architecture Prize Ceremony at the White House. The Hyatt Foundation, June 17, 1998.â€Å"Renzo Piano 1998 Laureate Biography.†Ã¢â‚¬Å"RPBW Philosophy.† Renzo Piano Building Workshop (RPBW).

PAE Organization Culture Exercise Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

PAE Organization Culture Exercise - Assignment Example Members have learned the attributes of sharing whatever they have with others and it has since become a tradition to give to other people. The organization has existed for many years and children born to parents in the organization end up sharing the aspiration of the organization. In turn, they learn the virtues of the organization and end up being part and parcel of the organization. In this regard, the kindness and compassion are the most evident dominant virtues of the organization. Despite the differences that people have, since they come from different families and places, they all have common goals and aspirations that have become part of the culture. For example, children are born and adapt to the practices of the community. By the time they mature they learn the attributes and join others in ensuring the goals of the organization are met. Due to the culture of the group, which has been passed to different generations, members have become accustomed to the practices of the group and that is now part of them. The cultural practices of the group are founded from Christian doctrines. Christianity calls for following in the footstep of Jesus and that means that all members are supposed to emulate Jesus. Even though the entire church is supposed to share in the practice of Christianity, out welfare organization has gone a step further to share the true values of Christianity by helping the less fortunate people. Despite the dominant culture, as advocated for in the values of the organization, members have their own unique (cultures) ways which sometimes conflict with the dominant cultures. For example, there are some instances when members can conflict with each there and in worse situation verbal exchanges take place. These occasionally arise due to the difference in cultures and personal issues. For example, when planning for events some members have problem keeping time. However due to the stringent requirements and

Hollywood Masculinity in the Reagan Era Research Paper

Hollywood Masculinity in the Reagan Era - Research Paper Example The hard body status was no more only for the heroes but also for the common American individuals. The people liked to see the movie stars in such personas and attempted to identify themselves as a result. From the very early days of filmmaking, movies used to convey strong political and moral messages. Movies had the power of reshaping the whole society and the higher authorities were quick to realize that. That made them create a censorship so that they could control what the public was watching. Ronald Reagan was himself an actor in the past and the public could not help but link his presidency to his acting days. He was largely identified by the roles that he had played in his movies. However, in reality, it is very difficult to find a link between his politics and his acting days. As of Reagan himself, his marriage was once seen as a typical marriage in Hollywood. But with the passage of time, as Reagan’s daughter recollects, Reagan had and lesser contribution to the fami ly decisions than his wife. When the couple broke up, Reagan remarried and formed a tradition of being masculine both at home and at the office. Also, Reagan’s political messages became more gendered. After the Vietnam War, the American society seemed to have become effeminate. Reagan ideology attempted to restore the lost sense of masculinity. Moreover, the restoration of masculinity seems to be limited to white men. Black men have not been an active part of this hard body movement. However, there are some exceptions. In the movies of the Reagan era, masculinity has been a dominant subject. These movies displayed the male body in a manner that emphasized on masculinity. These bodies were â€Å"the indefatigable, muscular, and invincible masculine body [that] became the linchpin of the Reagan imaginary.† (Jeffords, 24, 25) The action adventure movies became a norm and the display of hard bodies like Sylvester Stallone and Arnold Schwarzenegger epitomized the same. One of the most convincing embodiments of hard body virtues is the character of John Rambo. The movie series has such a thumb print on the genre of action movies that every subsequent action movie is compared to it. The original character of Rambo from David Morrell's 1972 novel is more of a sympathetic monster who is bound to destruction because of his actions. Prior to Rambo Series, there were not many movies that promoted masculinity. Even Alfred Hitchcock’s movies had limited masculinity. According to Peberdy, â€Å"†¦both Hitch and his clientele represent a softer side of masculinity, offering on the one hand additional insight in the ‘permeation of a discourse of masculinity crisis during the 1990s and 2000s.† (7) In the movie, First Blood, Rambo is made heroic and the police play the role of villains. Rambo is never directly responsible for the death of any of his pursuers. Being a veteran of the Vietnam War, Rambo is both physically and psychologically d isturbed. He keeps up the appearance of being unaffected by the war but from the inside, he is torn apart. The character is played by Sylvester Stallone who is very a good physical specimen. Rambo goes through great physicality in the movie. He suffers a lot physically but shows great endurance to physical pain. In First Blood, he falls through pine trees from a height and one of the pine branches rips his arm. He screams in pain for a moment but as a vindictive policeman,

Marketing Plan Proposal Essay Example for Free

Marketing Plan Proposal Essay I will develop a marketing plan for my company’s new product, the â€Å"Walker Photo Display Storage Solutions† product I will introduce on the global market next year sometime. The â€Å"Walker Photo Display Storage Solutions† product will allow any kind of loose photographs to be easily displayed in a collage format on any bare wall anywhere. It will include a divided safe storage box designed to protect loose photographs from damaging light, chemicals and rough handling to name a few things! I think my target audience is teenage boys and girls, male female college students, educators, homemakers, business owners, retired folk, hobbyists, collectors and basically anyone that has a need and desire to do something with the piles of loose photographs we all have laying around the house! I will directly market to pre-teen and teenage kids, college students and their faculty members, housewives and husbands, law enforcement, real estate, the entertainment industry, businesses and numerous other identified and yet to be identified markets! I have perceived there was a need to create something specific, simple, durable, easy to use, inexpensive, customizable and practical to display and store all the loose photographs I had laying around and the ones I saw elsewhere laying around, unseen, decomposing and being neglected. I had taped loose photographed to my wall on occasion in a sort of collage formation, but it looked kind of cheesy, so I felt I could create something cool to display and store them in! After a few years of random survey’s with various people from all walks of life, I found my perception to be correct, that there was indeed a genuine need for my invention, and it appeared there was a vast global market for it! Creating this product so it can be easily ordered, customized and received will be a bit of a challenge, but one that I believe is well worth taking. I am very passionate about my new product that will be distributed from my new company, â€Å"DoakUnlimited.llc†. So, it is my intention to solve the decades old question dilemma of what to do with all the millions and millions of loose photographs lying around in drawers, shoeboxes and elsewhere!

Female Independence in Catharine Maria Sedgewicks Hope Leslie and Kell

Female Independence in Catharine Maria Sedgewick's Hope Leslie and Kelly Clarkson's Song "Miss Independent" Authors have addressed the topic of female independence in various literary styles, including novels, novellas, and poetry. In our society today, independence for women is one of the main topics of many songs. The concept of female independence has changed over the years; people have gone from frowning upon female independence to celebrating it. Both Catharine Maria Sedgewick and pop singer Kelly Clarkson address female behavior that now, in the 21st century, is typical for many women. In Sedgewick’s Hope Leslie, the title character portrays a young woman that defies her society’s repressive Puritanical standards; she portrays independence, courage, and outspokenness. Clarkson, in her 2003 hit, â€Å"Miss Independent† expresses characteristics common in many females of modern American society; they tend to show independence, self-sufficiency, courage, and determination. Hope, in a way, is an anachronism; she represents characteristics of a 21st century woman, tho ugh living in the 17th century. In Hope Leslie, the typical woman of the repressed 17th century Puritan society portrays a very passive demeanor; she tends to behave in a quiet and humble way. Esther Downing and Mrs. Winthrop exemplify this expected behavior. They are quiet, humble, do not express their opinions, and show domesticity – they are the perfect Puritan female. The title character, Hope Leslie, grew up â€Å"among the strictest sect of the puritans† and due to her upbringing, her loved ones expect that her behavior reflect that of women like Esther and Mrs. Winthrop (127). However, Hope does not adhere to the expectations. She depicts outspokenness, e... ...r Philip, or have any sort of relationship with him whatsoever. Instead, Hope decides that she loves Everell and wants to be with him. Once again, Hope symbolizes how the majority of women would begin to behave as the years progressed. Hope is the 17th century version of â€Å"Miss Independent.† Sedgewick uses Hope to portray a woman that has the characteristics of a typical woman of the 21st century. Hope shows assertiveness, courage, independence, outspokenness, and many other qualities not usual for a Puritan woman during the 17th century. Kelly Clarkson’s â€Å"Miss Independence† represents the average female of the 21st century, especially American women. The concept of female independence has changed drastically over the years, and it continues to change. This 21st century song bears a strong representation of an atypical 17th century female, Hope Leslie.

Huckleberry Finn vs. Tom Sawyer Essay

Huckleberry Finn and Tom Sawyer are very different characters. I think that is what made them such great friends. Tom is always out to have a good time and doesn’t care who he hurts to do it. Huck always follows Tom’s lead even though sometimes he shouldn’t. Huck Finn grew up in a very rough environment. His father was a drunk who would disappear for months on random occasions. Huck is typically dirty and homeless. Eventually he goes to live with Widow Douglas who continually tries to reform Huck, but he resists and keeps his own ways. He said â€Å"The Widow Douglas she took me for her son, and allowed she would sivilize me; but it was rough living in the house all the time, considering how dismal regular and decent the widow was in all her ways; and so when I couldn’t stand it no longer I lit out. I got into my old rags and my sugar-hogshead again, and was free and satisfied.†(2) Huck is also a follower mostly of his good friend Tom. â€Å"But Tom Sawyer he hunted me up and said he was going to start a band of robbers, and I might join if I would go back to the widow and be respectable. So I went back.† (2) This is really the first time Huck has been educated and is taught about religion. Huck grew up in a much tougher environment then his close friend Tom, but he still has a good heart and was an easy going guy. He says â€Å"We said there wasn’t no home like a raft, after all. Other places do seem so cramped up and smothery, but a raft don’t. You feel mighty free and easy and comfortable on a raft.† (42) Tom is Huck’s best friend. They are about the same age but grew up in completely different situation. Tom grew up in white middle class family in a nice comfortable environment. Tom is clearly the leader of the two because Huck is always following his lead. Huck says â€Å"Tom told me what his plan was, and I see in a minute it was worth fifteen of mine for style, and would make Jim just as free a man as mine would, and maybe get us all killed besides. So I was satisfied, and said we would waltz in on it.† (66) Also Huck says â€Å"Tom Sawyer wouldn’t back out so I won’t.† Another thing that is different is Tom is willing to keep a secret that hurts a lot of people. He knows Mrs. Watson has died, but keeps it a secret for his own enjoyment. He could have told and Jim would have been free, but all he cared about was his plan to escape and how fun it was going to be. You  can clearly see the differences between Huckleberry Finn and Tom Sawyer. There are many examples in the book that show that. Tom is the leader and Huck is the follower. The biggest difference is the morals of the two. Tom kept a secret that hurt people and all Huck wanted to do was free Jim. After everything said Huckleberry Finn and Tom Sawyer are best friends. They get along so well and will be friends for life.

Processes of globalization Essay

The current state of world politics nowadays has reached the stage wherein almost everyone from age 8 to 80 is already aware of the subjects of globalization and nationalism. If you put these two words in order, the topic of nationalism always comes first, having people grow with the idea. Globalization comes next and the very word was often perceived as a form of disrespecting the subject of nationalism. In the article that Kusumi (2004) wrote for the Association of Asian Research, he used nationalism and globalization and the al-Qaeda as his subjects which he compared from each other. In this article, he stated that â€Å"on the part of globalization, to make a mess in unintentional. On the part of al-Qaeda, to make a mess is the whole idea (Kusumi, 2004). † Nationalism, in a more general definition is the way in which a certain society decides to order its affairs. As children, we were taught that nations are also called territories that are governed by either civil or military authorities. For a more comprehensive meaning of nations, these are units of communities possessing their own policies and histories. One nation generally has its own unique policy system, economy, society, and cultures. Every nation is unique from each other in their own ways. Based from the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, the term nationalism can be described by two kinds of phenomena with the first referring to the attitude possessed by the members of a certain nation when it comes to the subject of their national identity. This definition raises questions about the subjects of nation or national identity which are often connected to the subjects of common origin, ethnicity, or the membership of a certain individual in a nation. The second definition moreover, deals with the attitude or actions of these members whenever they seek or fight to sustain their self-determination and carries along questions of whether the concept of self-determination should be viewed as something that involves having full statehood or complete authority over domestic and international affairs etc. For many years, nationalism has been ignored as a significant topic in the area of political philosophy and has only emerged as one of the consequences of nationalist clashes like the one between the former Yugoslavia and Soviet Republics. Either way, nationalism often presents a picture that is morally ambivalent in theme. The very concept of national awakenings and the struggles that come along with the fight for political independence are both seen as heroic in people’s eyes. Basically, the moral debates about nationalism shows a kind of deep moral tension between national groups that are oppressed and the repulsion that are effects of the crimes committed for nationalism itself. Simply put, the subject of nationalism refers to an area of problems mostly about the ethnic and cultural differences in a democratic policy. These, also are considered as one of the hardest dilemmas in contemporary political theory (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, ). Nationalism is also connected to the term nation-state which refers to a â€Å"geographically bounded legal entity under a single recognized environment, the population of which psychologically considers them to be related, through historical, linguistic, racial, or other links (Kacowicz, 1998). † The forces connected to the subject of nationalism can be presented in many forms that are beyond the definition of the state itself. For example, the subject of nationalism can serve as an instrument in finding a homeland state for a certain existing nation that still does not own one. Moreover, it can also be used to organize a nation for a state that is not yet one through the collaboration of different elements within territorial boundaries to create a nation. Globalization, on the other hand, is viewed as the antithesis of nationalism. This concept negates what the nationalism promotes about the different identities of nations ad suggests that there are no boundaries existing, only one globe. There are many implications to this subject. For example, global transportation around the world is becoming far easier compared to the past times and communications technology is still improving and spreading globally. These kinds of changes sometimes make people have the feeling that they are all connected despite of the distances and boundaries. The word globalization implies the fact that the world is only a single market with goods and investments flowing freely across different national borders. The term refers to the changes in both the spatial and temporal contours of social existence. Here, geographical distance is now measured in terms of time and as time is needed to connect geographical locations is minimized, the subject of distances often undergo the subject of compression or even annihilation. And as changes in human activities also affect changes in space or territory, many theorists believe that these alterations in the experiences of humanity are in the process of undermining the significance of both local and national boundaries in the area of human endeavor (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2006). There are three facets connected to globalization. The first among these is the association of the subject to the concept of deterritorialization, a concept which refers to the increasing kinds of social activities happening irrespective of the geographical location of the participants. These activities are promoted through telecommunication, audiovisual media, digital computers and even the World Wide Web itself. If you view globalization using the concept of deterritorialization, the former can be connected to the increased possibilities of the actions of people irrespective of their latitudinal and longitudinal location. As what the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (2006) stated, â€Å"Territory in the sense of traditional sense of geographically identifiable location no longer constitutes the whole of ‘social space’ in which human activity takes place†¦. globalization refers to the spread of new forms of non-territorial social activity. † The second concept connected to globalization is that of social interconnectedness across geographical and political boundaries. In this aspect, globalization is connected to the different processes of change that causes significant transformations in the organization of human affairs though connecting and expanding the possibilities of human activities across borders. The third concept of globalization is social acceleration or speed or velocity of any social activity. The speed of the transportation, communication, and other technologies that link people now at present are very important factors in giving the sense of interconnectedness and blurring of territorial boundaries. The speed of technology, however, is not the only deal in this subject. The connecting and expansion of social activities across different borders are also defined by the very movements of people, information, and goods. The two other concepts mentioned above are directly connected with the speed or social life and the velocity and interchanges across different borders varies generally from their magnitude, impact, or regularity (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2006). Thus, globalization should be perceived as a multi-pronged process due to the fact that deterritorialization, social interconnectedness, and the acceleration of social activities affect many aspects of social activity like in economic, political, and cultural terms. Every manifestation of globalization also creates conflicts and dislocations in different area. An example of this is the evidence saying that cross-border flows and exchanges re already gaining prominence worldwide. The emergence of global financial markets serves as a big challenge to traditional attempts of liberal democratic nation-states. When it comes to the political realm, globalization takes a more distinct form through deterritorialization, interconnectedness, and acceleration of social activity elements. One form of political globalization is when activists use high-speed communication technologies to connect and form alliances across borders against dilemmas that are transnational in manner. Forms of supranational organizations exhibited for example by the European Union and North America Free Trade Association are also perceived as new manifestations of political globalization. Despite all of these though, critics still say that the local, regional and national forms of self-government are now being replaced by the democratic forms of global governance that are insufficient to ordinary citizens. The definition of nationalism and globalization clearly shows the differences between the two concepts. Nationalism promoted the establishing of a national identity and the strengthening of borders from one nation to another. Here, a nation is seen as something that has its own policies, economic flow, and culture that is somewhat unavailable from the members of other nations. Globalization, on the other hand, firmly says that there are no existing borders and that the world is one undivided network. As what Kusumi (2004) said, nationalism and globalization are like oil and water. You can only patronize one and not the other since the nature of the word â€Å"international† is equivalent to the fact of having nations defined by their respective boundaries, while the definition of the word â€Å"global† is parallel to the intellectual aggression of individuals to the boundaries that are drawn on the globe. Globalization and terrorism have common factors. Both aims to reach out across national borders and both are vessels that in a way disrespect nationalism. Nationalism advertises the subject of having a national identity while globalization simply threatens the identity of not only one nation but all others around the world. However, globalization is not at all negative because evidences, particularly in the world of trade, shows that this very subject helps a lot in the economy of several countries (Kusumi, 2004). Thus, it is all just a matter of perspective for these two subjects. For one, during the last few decades, the international flows of goods and financial capital from border to border has increased significantly and if it will be studied in a global perspective, it can be seen that the international trade of goods and services doubled in a span of four decades. Despite of the increase in the flow of goods, services, and financial capital, the term globalization also implies the fact that the world is considered as nearly a single market. In a fully globalized economy setting such as this, the goods and investments will be able to flow easily from border to border (Taylor, 2002). Despite of these, though, there are still numerous studies promoting the importance that national borders play in the trade market and how our world regardless of all advancements is still too far into being considered a single world market. One of the evidences to the significant role of national borders can be seen in the situation of Ontario, a province of Canada that has an equal distance from Washington State and the province of British Columbia. If a person will look at the situation using the perspective of a borderless state defined by globalization, he/she will expect Ontario’s level of trade as equal to that of Washington and British Columbia. However, this is not the case when it comes to real life even after adjusting the respective sizes of their economies. In studies conducted in the United States and Europe, it is found that the trades between regions within countries are actually 3 to ten times higher compared to the trade across national borders even after taking into account factors like the size of local economies and geographic distance (Taylor, 2002). Reasons of why national borders still play important roles in the limiting of international movements of goods and capital are easy to identify. For one, transportation and communications networks are commonly organized by national governments and concentrate more in connections within their own country than national borders. Thus, the economic transactions across a national border is burdened with additional costs that are connected with different legal systems, institutions, regulations, languages and many other factors. Also, the changes and flow in exchange rate also ass to the level of risk to economic transactions across borders (Taylor, 2002). Globalization is not the single and most viable ingredient in achieving economic growth. In fact there are a multitude of factors that can serve as a catalyst to the achievement of economic success like good education, available investment capital, good infrastructure and transportation, a proper financial sector, and many more. Thus, nations aren’t face with the tough choice of choosing economic improvement over their loyalty to their nation. The availability of a certain market to the international flows of goods and capital is also one of the most important factors in promoting improvement but there is always a risk that globalization can’t accomplish much and may even be harmful to the economy (Taylor, 2002). Basically, the very concept of nationalism directly opposes the processes of globalization since the concepts of disintegration, fragmentation, and localization deviate from the very trend of globalization. For example, a new sense of statehood may be a response to the forces of globalization in aiming to annihilate borders between nations. Thus, the persistence and survival of nationalism can be viewed as a kind of response to the forces of the global market through actions that will relocate and strengthen the legitimacy and sense of loyalties at national or subnational levels versus the transnational and supranational force of economic globalization (Kacowicz, 1998). Moreover, the promotion of nationalism as well as the organizing of new states is even encouraged by pressures of globalization. Through the processes involved in technological dissemination, globalization can even be considered as a catalyst in promoting nationalism so that these two concepts can even converge if a new global revolution of rising expectations will only be viewed. These forces can even encourage states and nations to be more active and managing the pressures that comes along with the subject of globalization. Here, an interesting paradox can be seen because even though the forces of globalization seem to be a giant next to the concept of state sovereignty, the technological changes brought by the former can even improve the material conditions needed to enhance and give birth to nationalistic trends. To put it simply, globalization opens doors for new strategies and roles for the nation-state and the resurgence of the sense of nationalism (Kacowicz, 1998). In conclusion, nationalism and globalization are two concepts that directly oppose each other’s purposes but in a way also complements the promotion of one. Just like what has already been mentioned earlier in this paper, â€Å"it is all just a matter or perspective. † References: Kacowicz, A. M. (1998). Regionalization, Globalization, and Nationalism: Convergent, Divergent, or Overlapping? Retrieved June 7, 2009 Web site: http://www. nd. edu/~kellogg/publications/workingpapers/WPS/262. pdf. Kusumi, J. (2004). Globalization versus nationalism versus al-Qaeda: These three things are important to understand as bad, good, and bad respectively. Retrieved June 7, 2009, from Association for Asia Research. Web site: http://www. asianresearch. org/articles/2261. html. Taylor, T. (2002). The Truth About Globalization. Public Interest, 24. Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. (2006). Globalization. Retrieved June 7, 2009 from Stanford University: Official site Web site: http://plato. stanford. edu/entries/globalization/ Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy. (2005). Nationalism. Retrieved June 7, 2009 from Stanford University: Official site Web site: http://plato. stanford. edu/entries/nationalism/